A significant surge in the number of individuals in the United States who do not affiliate with any particular faith tradition has been observed in recent years, with this demographic, often referred to as “the nones,” now comprising a larger segment of the population than any single organized religion.
Data from the General Social Survey indicates that in the 1970s, only approximately 5 percent of the US populace identified as religiously unaffiliated. This proportion commenced its ascent during the 1990s and has reached roughly 30 percent in the present day.
Upon initial consideration, one might erroneously infer that this signifies nearly one-third of Americans are atheists, which is far from accurate. In reality, only about 4 percent of American adults identify as atheist.
As scholars specializing in the sociology of religion within the United States, we were compelled to investigate the disparity between these statistical figures and the reasons why some individuals adopt the atheist label while others who are unaffiliated do not.
The Multifaceted Nature of ‘None’
The category of religiously unaffiliated individuals encompasses a broad spectrum of backgrounds. Some within this group continue to attend religious services, self-identify as being at least somewhat religious, and profess a degree of belief in a higher power – albeit typically at a diminished frequency compared to those who align with a specific faith.
Furthermore, there exists considerable variation in how religiously unaffiliated individuals choose to define themselves. When queried about their religious affiliation in surveys, responses from the unaffiliated can include terms such as “agnostic,” “no religion,” “nothing in particular,” and “none.”
A mere 17 percent of religiously unaffiliated individuals explicitly declare themselves as “atheist” in survey responses. For the most part, atheists exhibit a more pronounced rejection of religious doctrines and concepts than their non-affiliated counterparts.
Our recent empirical investigations delve into two pivotal inquiries concerning atheism. Firstly, what societal factors contribute to an individual’s predisposition or aversion to identifying as an atheist? Secondly, what influences an individual’s trajectory toward embracing an atheistic worldview over time?
Exploring Belief, Disbelief, and Beyond
Let us first address the question of who is statistically likely to identify as an atheist. To effectively answer this, we must first establish a clear understanding of what atheism entails.
While not all spiritual or philosophical traditions place paramount importance on belief in a divine being, in the American context, particularly within Abrahamic faiths like Christianity, atheism is frequently construed as the explicit denial of God’s existence. However, our survey data revealed that among US adults who profess disbelief in God, only about half select “atheist” as their religious identifier.
Consequently, the mere absence of belief in a deity does not inherently equate to identifying as an atheist. So, why do some individuals who disavow belief in God identify as atheist, while others do not?
Our research indicates that several extrinsically derived social influences, particularly stigma, are associated with an individual’s likelihood of identifying as an atheist, irrespective of their stance on divine existence.
A significant portion of the American population regards atheists with disapprobation and skepticism. It is noteworthy that certain sociological surveys conducted in the US include inquiries assessing levels of tolerance towards atheists, juxtaposed with questions concerning tolerance for racists and communists.
This pervasive stigma implies that identifying as an atheist can entail significant social repercussions, particularly within certain communities. This dynamic is clearly reflected in our findings.
For instance, political conservatives are less inclined to identify as atheist, even if they profess no belief in God. Merely 39 percent of individuals who self-identify as “extremely conservative” and state they do not believe in God identify as atheist. In stark contrast, 72 percent of those identifying as “extremely liberal” who also disbelieve in God adopt the atheist label.
We posit that this divergence is largely attributable to the prevalent negative perceptions of atheists within conservative political spheres.
The Process of Adopting Atheism
Nonetheless, the declaration of disbelief in God remains the most robust predictor of identifying as an atheist. This observation leads us to our second research inquiry: what factors influence an individual’s propensity to relinquish their religious beliefs over time?
In a separate study, which surveyed nearly 10,000 American adults drawn from a distinct representative sample, we found that approximately 6 percent of individuals who reported having some degree of belief in God at age 16 subsequently stated that they “do not believe in God” in adulthood.
The composition of this subgroup is not arbitrary.
Our analysis reveals, perhaps predictably, that a stronger affirmation of belief in God during adolescence correlates with a lower likelihood of adopting an atheistic worldview later in life.
For example, fewer than 2 percent of individuals who asserted, “I knew God really existed and I had no doubts about it” as teenagers later embraced an atheistic worldview. Conversely, over 20 percent of those who expressed, “I didn’t know whether there was a God and I didn’t believe there was any way to find out” at age 16 adopted an atheistic perspective.
However, our analysis further elucidates that several other variables influence the likelihood of adopting an atheistic worldview.
Irrespective of the intensity of their adolescent faith, individuals of Black, Asian, and Hispanic American ancestry were less prone to later identifying as atheist compared to their white counterparts. All other influencing factors being equal, the probability of individuals from these demographic groups adopting an atheistic worldview was reduced by approximately 50 percent to 75 percent relative to white individuals. This phenomenon may be partly explained by the reluctance or inability of groups already experiencing racial or ethnic discrimination to assume the additional social burden associated with atheism.
Conversely, we observe that adults with higher incomes, irrespective of their level of belief at age 16, exhibit a greater tendency to adopt the position that they do not believe in God. Each incremental increase in income level on an 11-point scale is associated with approximately a 5 percent higher probability of adopting an atheistic worldview.
This correlation could stem from the capacity of higher income to serve as a societal buffer against the potential stigma attached to holding an atheistic viewpoint. Possessing greater financial resources, for instance, may equip an individual with the means to circumvent social circles and situations where atheism might be met with negativity.
Nonetheless, an alternative hypothesis warrants consideration. Certain social scientists have proposed that both affluence and faith can contribute to a sense of existential security – a profound assurance of not facing imminent adversity. Consequently, a higher income might diminish the perceived necessity of relying on supernatural belief systems to navigate life’s uncertainties.
These findings serve as a potent reminder that our convictions, behaviors, and self-identifications are not solely internal constructs but are frequently sculpted by the environmental and cultural contexts in which we are situated.
